226 pages
Labels: blogosphere, research
Written over nineteen years across six continents, this weblog chronicles the adventures of an ultra marathon runner, eco-modernist and parent of two boys. Key themes covered are climate and energy policy, the open future as a political space and the existential intricacies of being human.
Labels: blogosphere, research
Three years
after the election, the centre-right coalition in Sweden continues to undermine
the foundations of solidarity upon which our society once rested. By reforming
the tax system in a more regressive direction, by enacting repressive laws on
electronic surveillance, and by further promoting “free choice” in health care
and education, the coalition has struck a devastating blow to our international
standing as the vanguard of progressive politics.
Lamentable
as this may be, it should come as no surprise given the stagnating Social
Democratic rule that preceded the current government. Yielding to pragmatism,
the former leader of the Social Democratic Party, Göran Persson, failed in the
most profound sense to grasp the possibilities of our time. As I have often
argued, the problem was not so much what he did – prescribing fiscal austerity,
deregulating markets, and so forth – as what he did not do.
After Göran came Mona Sahlin, the lexical definition of a “post-political politician”. Mainly concerned with questions of identity and recognition, she has further consolidated the image of the Social Democrats as a party deprived of ideological substance. As the financial crisis escalated, this lack of visionary direction became impossible to hide.

Like the
cursed king Théoden, the Swedish Social Democrats remain incapacitated, with a
leader unable to make hard choices. While the conservatives take a special
pride in embodying their ideas as lifestyle (MQ-shopping in Täby), the Social
Democrats are generally perceived as hypocritical (remember Mona’s “time-out”
in the Maldives). I am not implying that leading Social Democrats should adopt
the values and attitudes of the working class, but rather that they should
reconnect with their original emancipatory project. Social democracy was, from
the beginning, about transformation – about believing that development is
possible, both at the individual and the social level.
Today, this
faith in the modern project has waned. With fearful eyes, we look back upon the
transgressions of the welfare state – be they compulsory sterilizations, mental
institutions, or the sense of acquired passivity – and equate these phenomena
with the project as such. Nothing could be more false. The last hundred years
have given us indisputable evidence that social improvement is indeed possible.
I can understand those who in the 18th century were sceptical about the
prospects of democracy or the value of bold dreams. But not today. Given how
far we have come, we betray those who struggled before us when we resign from
our duty to imagine a better future. It has never been about building Utopia,
but rather about approximating regulative ideas through piecemeal reforms —
about the constant application of critical thinking and an openness to
democratic deliberation about the direction of our common enterprise.
With the next election in 2010 approaching, it remains uncertain whether the curse can be lifted in time – whether new leaders can step forward and formulate a progressive vision for Sweden. A vision that can “play ball” and expose the flawed economic reasoning of the centre-right; that can show why equality is a key, not a hindrance, to economic growth; why we should reverse the trend and strengthen our collective health insurance; why schools should not be left in the hands of religious or commercial interests but remain platforms for social cohesion and integration; why we should study more, not less; and, finally, why innovation – not flagellantism – is the appropriate response to the ecological crisis.
Labels: research
I remember walking down Bancroft Way in Berkeley on a summer’s day, still high noon with the giddying sensation of convergence as I inhaled the ethereal substance that for so long had been the fuel of my escapism. Between the trees I could see the ocean and I knew this would someday come back.Labels: research
“In 2008, military spending world-wide amounted to approximately 1.47 trillion USD. The irony is that all this money is used to protect us, not from any external threat, but from ourselves.”The rich, faintly sweet flavour of Southern hickory wood adds a taste of imminent departure to my traditional Swedish hash (pyttipanna). I listen to the Islamic afternoon prayer – asr – filtering through the walls. It is already that late, and I am still struggling to find a workable structure for my talk in Athens.

Originally,
my plan was to base the talk entirely on my newly published article in Environmental
Science & Policy. But given the programme’s focus on environmental
ethics, I have decided to tilt it more in favour of my recent work on
environmental citizenship theory. The main argument will be that environmental
citizenship theory instantiates a particular conception of what sustainability
is and how it is to be achieved. By shifting responsibility downward from
states to individuals, the question of environmental sustainability is not only
politically neutralised but also framed as one of great personal sacrifice.
Searching
for a popular-cultural illustration of this survivalism, I came to think of the
remake of the 1951 science fiction classic The Day the Earth Stood Still.
In the original film, the aliens come to Earth to warn us about the risk of
nuclear cataclysm. In the remake, the threat has of course been updated to – guess
what – climate change. And the solution? An outright rejection of instrumental
rationality, as all of Earth’s technology is rendered immobile in order to save
the environment.
Though perhaps just one movie, I would still argue that its reasoning is symptomatic of the lack of imagination I mentioned in my previous post. If only there were one new episode of Star Trek for every such film…